Is Netanyahu an isolated phenomenon?

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Benjamin Netanyahu’s allies are also his adversaries, both Arabs and Israelis. The Israeli prime minister spares no effort in provoking them and stirring enough dust to stay in the headlines or to distract them from his own issues. The focus on Netanyahu as an individual is understandable and even justified under the circumstances of the Gaza war and its horrors. But is he really an exceptional, rebellious figure within Israel?

Some Arab media outlets have portrayed the situation since the beginning of the crisis by suggesting that Israelis are against Netanyahu and oppose the war — wishful thinking. The reality is different. Hard-line policies and the iron-fist approach emerged as a response to Hamas’ mistake in October, and Netanyahu went to the extreme in his retaliation.

Netanyahu is not an exception. Former prime ministers who were no less rigid and aggressive — Golda Meir, Menachem Begin, Yitzhak Shamir, and Ariel Sharon — all had their turn as targets of Arab criticism. They represented Israel, not outsiders to the system, and they reflected the majority. Therefore, trying to separate the Israeli establishment from the prime minister and directing attacks only at him is a way of avoiding the real problem: the poor relationship with Israel as a whole, not just the occupant of the prime minister’s office.

It is natural in an open society to hear dissenting voices. But these voices should not be overvalued when analyzing Israel’s broader direction or its handling of the crisis.

Palestinians, more than anyone else, need to build a relationship with Israeli public opinion — not Arab public opinion.

Abdulrahman Al-Rashed

When some cite criticisms from opposition politicians in the Knesset, former presidents, or opposition parties within Israel’s political system, they mislead Arab public opinion. These critics are not the majority. If they were, Netanyahu, who survives on a slim majority, would have already been ousted.

Similarly, efforts by the families of hostages inside Israel and appeals from world leaders to pressure Netanyahu have not succeeded. For almost two years, reports suggested the war was nearing its end and Netanyahu was in trouble. Yet, as we see, “the prime minister’s ears are deaf” and the catastrophe continues.

Netanyahu has not fallen because most Israelis support him despite suffering the highest human losses on multiple fronts in Israel’s history. This stance largely reflects a solid bloc across military, civilian, legislative, and party institutions insisting on eliminating “Palestinian and regional threats.” That is what has happened, and it seems we are in the final chapter. A resolution to the Gaza crisis is expected in the remaining months of the year.

What has disappeared from the scene is Israel’s leftist bloc — traditionally opposed to wars and sympathetic to some Palestinian rights. This group has shrunk significantly after the shock of Hamas’ October 2023 attacks, which destroyed the base of leftists and moderates within Israeli society.

The Arab world does not need convincing; it already believes in the Palestinian cause. But it does not carry the political weight needed to sway decisions.

Abdulrahman Al-Rashed

Seeing the whole picture inside Israel and understanding the trends among its citizens is one of the most important sources for making sense of what is happening in our region, especially in the multiple conflicts with Israel. Relying instead on repetitive rhetoric aimed at mobilization creates a distorted image of reality.

Without broad popular support for Netanyahu’s decisions, the Gaza war would not have started or continued, nor could he have remained in power despite hundreds of Israeli dead and thousands wounded, both military and civilian. Nor would he have risked his military adventures against Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen, and Iran. Without public acceptance, it is difficult to stop the war, achieve peace, or grant Palestinians their rights.

This does not mean there are no political rifts in Israel. There is a spectrum of opinions and parties, yet most have rallied behind the government in the war — even as they face a moral and political dilemma following the horrific October attacks, with the killing and abduction of children and women, and the subsequent brutal killing of civilians in Gaza, pushing them to the brink of starvation.

Palestinians, more than anyone else, need to build a relationship with Israeli public opinion — not Arab public opinion. The Arab world does not need convincing; it already believes in the Palestinian cause. But it does not carry the political weight needed to sway decisions.

  • Abdulrahman Al-Rashed is a Saudi journalist and intellectual. He is the former general manager of Al-Arabiya news channel and former editor-in-chief of Asharq Al-Awsat, where this article was originally published. X: @aalrashed